Against the backdrop of the attack on the State of Qatar, the growing international isolation of the occupying state, the damage the war has inflicted on U.S. interests in the region, the wave of international recognitions of the State of Palestine during the UN General Assembly’s annual session, and the expanding circle of popular, academic, cultural, and economic boycotts of Israel, the U.S. President has proposed a new plan to end the war.
The American President laid the groundwork for the plan during a meeting with the leaders of eight influential Arab and Islamic countries, stressing his determination to bring the war to an end this time—unlike in previous attempts. In closed discussions, Arab leaders expressed their approval of the plan, as it incorporates their main demands.
The demands include;
- No annexation of the West Bank or Gaza Strip.
- Full or near-full withdrawal from Gaza.
- Establishment of an administration for Gaza after the war with participation of the Palestinian Authority.
Despite reservations from some Arab and Islamic leaders, as well as from Hamas, the plan also includes:
- Deployment of Arab forces, with or without international participation, in Gaza under a UN Security Council resolution.
- Appointment of former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair as head of a temporary Palestinian committee, in an unofficial capacity as High Commissioner and U.S. representative in governing Gaza.
- Disarmament of the resistance by Palestinian forces backed by international troops after the establishment of a transitional or temporary administration.
- Removal of resistance leaders from Gaza—whose names would be determined by the occupying government—in exchange for sparing their lives, i.e., avoiding assassination if they agree to leave Gaza.
Hamas and other resistance factions view the appointment of Tony Blair as “High Commissioner of Gaza” as indirect American supervision over Gaza’s administration. They also see the deployment of Arab or international forces as a mechanism to protect Israeli settlements inside the 1948 occupied territories surrounding Gaza, effectively placing these forces in confrontation with the Palestinian people and resistance on behalf of the U.S. and Israel.
As for the issue of disarming the resistance (despite the fact that the resistance does not possess heavy, medium, or even light weaponry, and instead fights the occupation army with simple, locally made tools), it is categorically rejected by the Palestinian people and all factions of the resistance, on the grounds that weapons will remain as long as the occupation exists.
However, estimates suggest that Netanyahu—despite his desire to prolong the war until the next elections, extract a clear surrender from Hamas, and implement displacement plans—may find it difficult to evade Trump’s new plan. The plan largely favors the Israeli government’s demands, except for the clauses on ending the war and carrying out a full, phased withdrawal from Gaza (if his government abides by the agreement). Resistance factions in Gaza may also find it difficult to reject the deal outright, given the endorsement of influential Arab and Islamic states, as well as the reality of the near-total destruction of Gaza City and the daily killings, which leave little room for maneuver. For this reason, Hamas may express reservations about parts of the plan, but will likely agree to negotiate on some of its terms.